No news, except for the worst ones

With Lula's reelection, Brazil will continue to be governed directly by the Sao Paulo Forum's conferences and workgroups, without any need to consult Congress or to give satisfaction to the public opinion. The Left's right to commit crimes and to lie, already employed without major restrictions, will be consecrated as a founding principle of Brazil's political morality, and those who violate it will feel like sinners and pariahs. Representatives from the FARC and the MIR will keep moving freely throughout the country, selling drugs and kidnapping Brazilians.  The fifty thousand annual homicides will rise to sixty or seventy thousand, but busting local gangs that are competitors of the Colombian narcoguerillas will continue to be presented as a splendid victory of law and order. The MST ("Landless Workers' Movement") will keep dictating the agrarian policy of the federal government.  And the entrepreneurs who will not participate in the Mensalao (the congressional vote-buying scheme set up by Lula's party) or similar schemes will keep being criminalized by the Brazilian internal revenue service.  So far, everything will be like it was before, except from the quantitative point of view, as what was bad will become infinitely worse. The only predictable substantive news are the following:

(1) Our Armed Forces, which up to now were able to postpone a confrontation with reality, will have to choose whether to keep withering or to joyfully join the preparation of a continental war against the USA , side by side with the FARC and under the command of  Hugo Chavez.

(2) Now that Lula promises the "democratization of the media" in his second term, those media companies that kept themselves quiet about the President's most serious crimes will be rewarded with an official muzzle, which might be considered a sort of upgrade.

(3) Some politicians with a slight disposition for lawfulness, who boasted about their desire to punish the crimes of the Worker's Party, will quickly join the scheme with a sort of retroactive devotion, making up sublime justifications for it. All that has gone unpunished will be forgotten or rewarded.

Geraldo Alckmin lost because he sacrificed his candidacy, his conscience and even his religion to a vow of silence on abortionism, the Sao Paulo Forum, the bonds between Lula and the FARC and between the Sao Paulo Workers Party and the PCC (the "First Capital Command", the most powerful crime syndicate in Sao Paulo). On the last debate, a veiled insinuation – or blunder – showed that he was well aware of at least this last point, but would not hand the information to the voters. He spent his fifteen minutes of fame employing the best of his cowardice, and one could not say that the effort was in vain.

Simultaneously, one article of mine about the Sao Paulo Forum was censored on Porto Alegre's daily Zero Hora, and congressman Luiz Eduardo Greenhalgh tried his best to silence the electronic newspaper Mídia Sem Máscara. On the topic of abortionism, by the first time in worldwide election history a party successfully prohibited all public mention to an item of its own official program. Those who violated the censorship had to pay for their boldness: the archbishop of Rio de Janeiro had his home invaded by the police and, in Belo Horizonte, while two youngsters were arrested for handing leaflets about Lula's commitment to legalizing abortion in Brazil . Never before had one party such complete control over the list of allowed and forbidden arguments in campaign advertising. The last days of the campaign gave us a sample of what Lula's second term promises to Brazil.