Olavo de Carvalho
When some politician of the right or simply empty of ideological convictions is accused of taking money from the budget and his party tries to elude the investigations, the media all together denounce the dirty little game, and with pretenses of deep indignation, shout for transparency1. But, the President of the Republic was not accused of vulgar corruption. He was accused of receiving, when he was a candidate, financial help from the largest criminal organization on the continent, responsible for a massive supply of cocaine to the national market.
To discourage the investigations, he did not resort to any parliamentary trick, but to direct intimidation, announcing that he is going to sue the denouncer, deputy Alberto Fraga (PMDB-DF), for the crime of exercising a basic prerogative of his job. At the same time according to what I read in Elio Gasparis column , agents of the government are arranging to prevent Boris Casoy2 from again hurting the sensitive soul of the president. He was the only interviewer of the São Paulo TV who dared to ask da Silva something about the Farc during the electoral campaign.
Worse still, by mobilizing the General Law Office of the Union against Alberto Fraga to sue him, the President of the Republic makes use of a public organ as if it were the office of his private lawyers. The deputys offense if there is any offense in requesting an investigation was not made against the Presidency, but to Mr. da Silva and his party, who are the only ones involved in the case and on whom falls the obligation to give back, from their own pockets, the costs of each minute of work done by the lawyers of the Union in a case of private interest.
And nobody in the media seems to be scandalized with such matters, nor do they demand that the accusations be checked, nor criticize the Presidents privatization of the General Law Office. The journalist class seems devoted to covering up both the denunciation and its repression; the former brought to the public only by me and by the press in Brasilia, the latter in half a dozen newspapers which put the news in highly discreet bottom of the page boxes without any mention whatsoever of the irregularities of the presidential procedure. Meanwhile, in Parliament and on TV, there echoes a nasty cacophony of incomparably less serious offenses associated with Antônio Carlos Magalhães.
Pejorative messages about deputy Fraga have already started to go around the internet, in a character assassination effort, coming from no one knows where, but targeted at destroying the public interest in the proof and documents that the deputy promises to present in the investigation, which counts with, were told, 127 supporting signatures according to the deputy, lacking only 45 to make it official.
I do not know Alberto Fraga and I know nothing of his virtues and sins, but what I do know is that in the times of Fernando Collor3, nobody alleged that his brothers bad moral attributes were an excuse for not listening to his testimony. I do know that against the budget dwarves4 nobody felt ashamed of calling upon a notorious crook and murderer as witness. What does it matter then if the denouncer wears a white or black hat? All that I hope for is that the proof he claims to have about what seems to be the greatest electoral crime of all times be revealed. But it does not surprise me that the first ones to try to cover it up are precisely the apostles of transparency: glass roofs are, by definition, transparent.5
The President of the Republic was the founder, and for ten years, highest leader of the Foro de São Paulo, the coordination of the communist movement on this continent, in which legal parties of the left could articulate in common strategy with terrorist and criminal organizations like the Farc and the Chilean MIR the latter the largest shareholder of the Brazilian kidnapping industry. That alone should be enough to make him suspect, and his actions in such shady groups should be carefully investigated.
In spite of that, in the 2002 elections, the expression Foro de São Paulo was totally suppressed from the media and from the debates. Never in 37 years in journalism have I seen such a generalized, cynical and stubborn effort at cover-up. But, how could it be different? Of Mr. da Silvas competitors, two were his partners in the Foro de São Paulo and the third, who knew about it all, would never wish for anything in this world to disturb with unpleasant conversations an election that had been planned to be an intimate celebration of the leftist parties.
At the time, I wrote a lot against all this, but categorically rejected any hypothesis of financial interest in the connections between da Silva and the Colombian narcoguerrillas. Now, faced with the new denunciations, the silence of the media, of the politicians and of the business leadership ceases to be merely immoral, becoming in fact clearly criminal.
When all the educated elite of a country becomes so subservient to the false leftist morality, it is ready to confess that, at the end of the day, a presidential candidate who receives money from narcotrafficking has done nothing wrong at all, as long as it is leftist narcotraffic. And, thus, to compare Brazil and Colombia is excessively optimistic: in Colombia, the Farc are hated by 98% of the population. Here, there is no kindness that is enough to please them. The President of the Republic has refused to call them what they are; three commanders of the organization are sheltered on national territory while at the same time the Ministry of Defense alleges it has nothing against them; and the guerrilla instructors it sends to improve the violence in Rio are labeled by the media as dissidents without the least proof that they are so as not to stain the reputation of this distinctly homicidal organization.
Translation: Fábio Lins - Proof Reading: Jacqueline Baca